A Series on Westminster Chapter 23 and a Response to Kevin DeYoung
Be sure to check out part I, part II and part III.
How American Presbyterians spoke on the state
To consider what was the significance of these changes were to American Presbyterians about matters civil, it will be useful to consider how key American Presbyterians spoke on the magistrate (post 1788). Let us see what Americans actually said about the magistrate, rather than listening to what Deyoung imagines what the Presbyterians said when they made changes in 1788.
Alexander Mcleaod, an American Presbyterian writing after the changes in the Westminster Standards writes, “fourthly, It is necessary that Immanuel should have power over the nations and their respective governments, as the guardian of his Church in the midst of her enemies, and as the terror of all those who are his foes (Psalm110:1-3); otherwise, his children might be in a situation in which he could not regulate them, and his enemies might act with impunity against him. If magistracy be not subjected to Christ, he has it not in his power, either to convey the special aids of his grace to pious Christians for the discharge of the duties of civil offices, or to punish his enemies for the most malicious acts of maladministration. However, the personal character may be under his cognizance, he can have nothing to do with the official character. The absurdity of this is too glaring. It is indispensably necessary, therefore, that Zion’s King should rule the nations, to give efficacy to his gospel, to reward him for his abasement, and to afford safety to his Church.” Alexander as an American Presbyterian post 1788 rejects the voluntary principle and affirms the necessity for the magistrate to protect the church through enforcing both tables of the law.
“The church of Christ is a Kingdom not of this world, but the Kingdoms of the world are bound to recognize its existence.” Notice how he believes that the distinctiveness of the Kingdom of Christ which is the church is not threatened by the Kingdoms of the world taking a religious posture and being about matters of the church. Part of the objection of men like DeYoung over a Christian state is their belief that it necessarily confuses realms. Nonetheless, American Presbyterians, like the Divines, are able to see how both realms are to be explicitly Christian and yet distinct.
Charles Hodge, another American Presbyterian after the American changes the standards believed that it was necessary for the state to involve itself in the observance of the first table of the law and to teach the word of God in American institutions.1 Hodge says,
“we consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature; as utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves, and as totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ…It is manifestly the duty of all Christians who enjoy the light of the present day, when the inconsistency of slavery, both with the dictates of humanity and religion, has been demonstrated, and is generally seen and acknowledged, to use their honest, earnest, and unwea-ried endeavours, to correct the errors of former times, and as speedily as possible to efface this blot on our holy religion, and to obtain the complete abolition of slavery throughout Christendom, and if possible throughout the world.”2
Notice how Hodge is speaking about societies laws needing to be in conformity to Christendom. Hodge did not understand the American Standards as a call for Christendom to end and voluntarism to replace it. He spoke about the nation civilly as one which was to be understood in light of its Christian identity. Was Hodge indistinguishable from the Divines on this matter? No. However, he did not believe that the American position unequivocally removed the magistrate as one who is necessarily about first table matters. Hodge even believed that Americans had a right to overthrow the government if they desecrated the Sabbath.
Another American Presbyterian (Thornwell) after the American changes of the standards also did not share DeYoung’s sweeping declaration of the American ch. 23 speaking to the abolishment of Christendom and the enshrinement of civil neutrality.
“As the individual, in coming to God, must believe that He is, and that He is the rewarder of them that diligently search Him, so the State must be impressed with a profound sense of His all-pervading providence, and of its responsibility to Him, as the moral Ruler of the world.”3
“A state therefor [sic), which does not recognize its dependence on God, or which fails to apprehend, in its functions and offices, a commission from heaven, is false to the law of its own being.”The sanctions of a secularized state, in fact, “are insufficient either for the punishment of vice or the encouragement of virtue, unless they connect themselves with the higher sanctions which religion discloses.”4
“Your honourable body has already, to some extent, rectified the error of the old Constitution, but not so distinctly and clearly as the Christian people of these States desire to see done. We venture respectfully to suggest, that it is not enough for a State which enjoys the light of Divine revelation to acknowledge in general terms the supremacy of God. It must also acknowledge the supremacy of His Son, whom He hath appointed heir of all things, by whom also He made the worlds. To Jesus Christ all power in heaven and earth is committed. To Him every knee shall bow, and every tongue confess. He is the Ruler of the nations, the King of kings, and Lord of lords.”
“It is not only necessary that the State should have a religion; it is equally necessary, in order to an adequate fulfillment of its own ides, that it have the true religion. Truth is the only proper food of the soul, and though superstition and error may avail for a time as external restraints, they never generate an inward principle of obedience.
“It is obvious that a Commonwealth can no more be organized which shall recognize all religions, than one which shall recognize none.”
“The service of the Commonwealth becomes an act of piety to God. The State realizes its religious character through the religious character of its subjects; and a State is and ought to be Christian, because all its subjects are and ought to be determined by the principles of the Gospel.”5
“As every legislator is bound to be a Christian man, he has no right to vote for any laws which are inconsistent with the teachings of the Scriptures. He must carry his Christian conscience into the halls of legislation.”6
“The separation of the Church and State is a very different thing from the separation of religion and the State. Here is where our fathers erred. In their anxiety to guard against the evils of a religious establishment, and to preserve the provinces of Church and State separate and distinct, they virtually expelled Jehovah from the government of the country, and left the State an irresponsible corporation, or responsible only to the immediate corporators. They made it a moral person, and yet not accountable to the Source of all law.”7
Some helpful points about the magistrate that we can gather from Thornwell. 1. Key American theologians post 1788 changes did not believe that the separation of church and state meant the voluntarist separation of religion from state. 2. A state that is not responsible to Christ and His law is not a Confessional position, and rather it is immoral. 3. Christian magistrates are to legislate in a manner that is consistent with the scriptures. Said another way, Thornwell believed that Christianity should be legislated. 4. States are to be Christian and collectively see their realms as being devoted to God. The principles of the gospel Thornwell says are to be reflected in this self-conscious Christian nation. 5. A nation that does not recognize Christianity officially cannot function and bring order. 6. Governments are to submit to Christ in a way that can be comparable to individuals being subject to Christ. 7. A secular voluntarists state that does not formally depend on God cannot function morally as God intended it to. 8. The religious pluralism in the US Constitution that does not formally pledge submission to the Son was a sinful error that should be rectified.
Departing from establishment principle to Erastianism or Papacy a mark against the establishment principle?
DeYoung then spends a good portion of his time showing how this disdain for prelacy has historical connection to various Erastian Prelate usurpations into the Presbyterian church. DeYoung’s various examples of Christian states in Europe overstepping their civil boundaries into the ecclesiological realm proves nothing about the reformed establishment principle being in error. This tactic is quite common amongst the voluntarist anti-establishmentarian American Presbyterians. They cite various historical examples of the state usurping the jurisdiction of the church as a self-evident proof that the establishment principle is unbiblical and does not work. All that DeYoung’s examples prove is that when a state departs from the biblical establishment principle to either Erastianism or Romanism that either the church or state will become deified and confuse realms. All that DeYoung’s historical examples of sinful oaths proves is that the establishment principle not understood biblically and Confessionally will lead to all sorts of immorality and tyranny. Furthermore, the fact that the church was tyrannized by the state when they moved away from establishment principle to Prelacy or Papacy proves that the establishment principle when held, biblically maintains church and state. It is the state departing from the reformed establishment principle that leads to chaos amongst the spheres.
Voluntarism in the Confession about the civil is the road to Confessional collapse
However, there is something I would like to note, as DeYoung speaks positively about the original view of the Standards magisterial views being dismissible in the Adoption Act. Historically, in Scotland, the establishment principle being eroded was often correlated to erosion in Confessionalism overall. What I mean by that is that one of the first places where historic Confessionalism begins to deconstruct is in the area of the magistrate. In the 1800s Presbyterians in Scotland added this formula on the magistrate for licentiates and ministers seeking ordination.
“Do you own, and will you adhere to the doctrine of the Westminster Confession of Faith as founded on and consistent with the word of God, except in so far as the confusion recognizes the power of the civil magistrate to interfere with religious concerns?”8
A few things are occurring in this formula. 1. The language of subscription is changing and being severely lessened from previous oaths. 2. The level of Confessionalism is being diminished in order to prepare the way for unions amongst groups of ministers that significantly differ on essential confessional matters. 3. Shortly after the matter of the magistrate became a matter of indifference, the extent of the atonement also became a matter of indifference. What is my point? Simply that DeYoung’s timeline of events that formed the changes in perspective on the magistrate in the 1700s is somewhat oblivious to how such things have historically played out. The confessional world changing its posture on the magistrate in matters of subscription has often led to the erosion of Confessionalism altogether. A voluntarist view of the magistrate was often historically accompanied by theological liberalism. This can also be seen in the Free Church of Scotland’s various splits. However, my counter in this article is that the changes in the standards were not a move to voluntarism; nonetheless, if the Standards allegedly (as DeYoung claims) have canceled religion in the civil sphere, then we are headed on a trajectory to erode the rest of our standards. History shows that erosion of Christ’s crown magisterially will erode it soteriologically and ecclesiologically.
Witherspoon proves what about voluntarism as credible?
In the next section, DeYoung then makes his case for voluntarism by discussing Witherspoon. This section was fascinating to me for one simple reason. DeYoung is making a case for a radical separation of realms in America with Witherspoon, a figure who was a pastor and a politician at the same time. Can you see the irony of it all? Here we have a person acting simultaneously as a magistrate and a minister, and it is this person which is to give us a reformed vision of two Kingdom theology? If anything, what we learn from Witherspoon is how to not practice the Scottish two kingdom theology. I suspect that a man that is seeking to carry both the keys and the sword simultaneously is either going to do one of two things. He will either sway the sword to the keys, or he will sway the keys to the sword, such effects are inevitable when you collapse the realms into one entity or figure. In the case of Witherspoon, as useful as much of his political theology is, it seems that his official capacity in the civil realm swayed the ministry as elements of American pluralism crept into his ecclesial theology of the magistrate. Witherspoon in no way strengthens DeYoung’s case for a dramatized and heightened 2K in the American Presbyterian tradition, if anything, Witherspoon is a figure that embodies undermining 2K distinctions. Ministers are not magistrates, and magistrates are not ministers, if one is both then there is no cooperation of any kind. This rings a bit of the one Kingdom Kuyperianism of the Kuyper. Interestingly, earlier in the article, it states that both the original and American Standards are Kuyperian. The Standards cannot be holding both to 2K and Kuperianism at the same time, the two are antithetical. What is also ironic about DeYoung citing Witherspoon is what he later admits about what he did politically.
“In 1776, the New Jersey Provincial Congress, which included John Witherspoon, approved a new state constitution. While the constitution restricted office-holding to Protestants, it vigorously defended religious freedom and opposed religious establishments.”
Witherspoon believed that the magistracy should be restricted exclusively to believers. Meaning that the realm of magistracy is to be exclusively a Christian one. Regardless of what one says about religious liberty in NJ, the reality is that the civil realm for Witherspoon was a Christian one. No atheists or idolaters were to be civil figures via Witherspoon. DeYoung’s case for American Presbyterianism being confessionally voluntarist is precarious. At the end of the Witherspoon section, DeYoung says, “there isn’t a straight line of continuity from the Westminster Assembly to the New England Puritans to the American founders.” There indeed is some truth to this statement, however this is not the point that DeYoung is seeking to make. He is in one sense seeking to make a case for how the there is not a straight line with the Westminster Assembly and the post 1788 Westminster subscribers. A point that he has yet to prove thus far.
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Do we really want to believe that God’s power over the world highly depends on the Church’s control of the State? Is that how the Apostles saw it?
And do Christians really deserve to run the world’s government more than unbelievers do? Again, I will refer to Boice who has said to similar thoughts that that both overestimates godliness of Christians and their ability to have not compromised some of their beliefs because of the world’s influence. Edward’s use of slaves Hodge’s belief in the inferiority of blacks along with Machen’s racism testifies to that. Boice also said that such thinking also underestimates the influence that common grace can have on the unbeliever.
The issue here is not what the WCF or DeYoung say. The issue is what does the New Testament say.
Does the New Testament say you should wipe front to back or back to front, Curt?
Duke,
Does your comment reflect the degree of regard and respect that you have for the New Testament?
No, it reflects the lack of respect I have for you.
Duke,
So you use the New Testament is such a crass way to illustrate disrespect for me? To reference the New Testament that way is showing disrespect for it. Is shows that you are not treating the New Testament as being special in a reverent way.
The New Testament is God’s Word and how we treat God’s Word should be with reverence. And you didn’t do that in the comment I am referring to.
Curt,
The NT does say that Christ came not to destroy the law or the prophets, but to fulfill them. By fulfilling them He did not abrogate the principles of law. Nothing in the OT is clearer than that it is lawful for the civil magistrate to support the true religion. Nothing in the NT renders that principle null and void.
Moses and Christ do not contradict each other.
Joshua,
But how did Jesus fulfill the law and the prophets? And why did His Apostles not expect from the Church, especially the non-Jewish believers, what Christian Nationalists expect from society regarding the law?
What we saw in the Old Testament was a special case for Israel. There is nothing in the Old Testament that even indicates that Israel’s set up is for the civil magistrates is for every nation. Nothing. If you disagree. then show from the Old Testament that what God command Israel to do, He commanded every nation to do. If indeed what God said to Israel applied to every nation, then there would be nothing that showed that God chose the nation of Israel to be His own people.
What is the first purpose of the law? Isn’t it to condemn us all as lawbreakers? And yet, you want to codify it? Again, read the second paragraph of the comment you just responded to:
‘And do Christians really deserve to run the world’s government more than unbelievers do? Again, I will refer to Boice who has said to similar thoughts that that both overestimates godliness of Christians and their ability to have not compromised some of their beliefs because of the world’s influence. Edward’s use of slaves Hodge’s belief in the inferiority of blacks along with Machen’s racism testifies to that. Boice also said that such thinking also underestimates the influence that common grace can have on the unbeliever.‘
You’re right in saying that Jesus and Moses do not contradict each other. Our disagreement is over how we see them meshing together.
The Westminster Divines, nor any of the Reformers, never said that the Church should control the State. That is what Rome held, and still does. No body of divines was ever more opposed to Romanism than the Westminister Assembly, include Rome’s view of the Church controlling the State.
Please, do some reading before you critique. Read Bannerman on the Church of Christ, on the relations between Church and State. Then re-read it. Then read Gibson, who shows that Voluntaryism (your view) led to Romanism.
Then read…nevermind. You’re too busy typing.
Joshua,
If the civil magistrate is to punish sins but not have the power of the keys, where are they taking their lead from in terms of whom to punish and for what?
Isaiah 60 is all about the NT Church. It says that Gentiles will flock to it. It also says that any nation or kingdom that will not serve the NT Church will perish.
By saying, “nation and kingdom” it means bodies of people under one government, not individuals.
Joshua,
Does it say how the nations are to serve the Church? At the same time, in a previous comment, you wrote:
‘The Westminster Divines, nor any of the Reformers, never said that the Church should control the State. That is what Rome held, and still does. No body of divines was ever more opposed to Romanism than the Westminister Assembly, include Rome’s view of the Church controlling the State.‘
BTW, why did the Devines object to the RC controlling the state? And were they inconsistent with WCF, chapter 23?
No, they were not inconsistent.
Joshua,
Considering what they wrote in the original version of chapter 23 of the WCF, I would have to disagree.
Do you see that chapter of the WCF as being inconsistent with what I quoted from you in my previous comment?
Joshua,
Isaiah 60:12 uses the word ‘τὰ ἔθνη.’You might want to note that in Bauer, Arndt, and Gingrich’s Greek-English Lexicon, ‘τὰ ἔθνη‘ referred to outsiders and heathens rather than countries in pre New Testament literature and even in the New Testament such as in Matthew 10:18; Acts 11:1; and Romans 3:29. Note that in the other New Testament passages, ‘τὰ ἔθνη‘ in its different forms of declension.
Likewise, the word used in Isaiah 60:12, the word ‘kingdoms‘ rather than the word ‘kings‘ is used. And so what we could have a reference to is definitely people and very well could be territory, not the government. And so using Isaiah 60 to justify the Christian magistrate exerting Christian rule is not well supported in Isaiah 60.
Curt,
No, it is not correct that nations and kingdoms always refers to a random assortment of people, and never refers to people bound together by a common ethnicity. The beauty of the Bible is that it addresses both individuals and bodies of people, both civil and religious.
It doesn’t sound like you are doing much reading to honestly understand the position of the Westminster Assembly. “Wherefore my beloved brethren, let every man be swift to hear, slow to speak…”
Sorry, meant to say,
It is not correct to say that “nation” or “kingdom” never refers to people bound together by a common ethnicity or government.
The Bible is clear that one day heads of government who represent entire nations bodies or people will support the NT church.
Ryan,
No problem.
The question here comes from which words are used. ‘τα ἔθνη,’ which is used in the Great Commission, is used to refer to outsiders or the Gentiles in general according to the reference I gave. In fact, if you look up Isaiah 60:12, the Hebrew word that was translated ‘τα ἔθνη‘ in the Septuagint was the word that referred to Gentiles in general. Was it used in other ways? I can’t say since I unfortunately got rid of my Young’s Analytical Concordance. However, in other Greek writings, ‘τα ἔθνη‘ refers to outsiders, the Gentiles. ‘ἔθνος‘ could refer to nations. Here I am going by Bauer, Arndt, and Gringrich’s Greek-English Lexicon as I cited before.
Joshua,
Sorry for mixing up the names. I was just responding to Ryan before responding to your comment.
Joshua,
I am going to add a partial correction. I looked up Judges 3:1 in the Septuagint and there, ‘τα εθνη‘ does refer to nations. The reference I used when writing about ‘τα εθνη‘ was a Greek-English Lexicon for the New Testament and early Christian writings.
But you’re not representing my point of view when you say that ‘τα εθνη‘ refers to a random group of people.. In actuality, especially in the New Testament and partly in the Old Testament, ‘τα εθνη‘ is referring not to a random group of people, but to Gentiles as a whole. There was this Old Testament divide between Jews and non-Jews and that carried over to the New Testament times, when the Roman Empire swallowed up the surrounding nations. Evidence of this can be found in Galatians 2:8 where Paul describes Peter as an apostle of those who are circumcised–of the Jews–and Paul as an apostle of ‘τα εθνη,’ or the Gentiles.
You can also compare verses like Revelation 7:9 where John writes about every nation. But the declension used there shows that he was using the word ‘ἔθνος,᾽ rather than ‘εθνη.’ The actual difference between the two words is that the former is the singular form while the latter is the plural form. The gender of the word is neuter. What is interesting there is that the words for the other groups follow plural form. Also, Luke uses a form of the word ‘ἔθνος,᾽ rather than ‘εθνη,’ to talk about every nation in Acts 2:5.
Now I have lost touch with much of the Greek I learned in seminary and so I am giving a layman’s account here. Let me know if you find any exceptions to the New Testament use of the word τα εθνη.