The Liberal Consensus and the New Christian Right

Editor’s note: The following article was written by James Lindsay, who, as an avowed atheist, is not eligible for publication in American Reformer. However, Mr. Lindsay originally submitted this article under the name Marcus Carlson. Lindsay used a passage of Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto, stripping out its ideological substance but retaining its powerful rhetorical structure. This was intended as a hoax but is seemingly poorly conceived, given the undeniable power of Marx’s rhetorical approach as Lindsay himself acknowledged. 

While we were unaware of its authorship and motive, it is still a reasonable aggregation of some New Right ideas (repackaged into Marx’s effective rhetoric), and we have corrected its authorship to properly credit Mr. Lindsay.

We have published hundreds of new and less established writers over the last three years, and our readership has grown exponentially with a lean editorial staff. Lindsay’s exploitation of our high-trust approach demands that we adopt a more restrictive screening process going forward. 

The Regime Fears the Rise of a New Rival

A rising spirit is haunting America: the spirit of a true Christian Right. Moreover, all the existing powers of the American Regime since the end of the Second World War have aligned themselves against it and its re-emergence from the shadows of American civic life, politics, and religion—the Marxist Left and its neo-Marxist “Woke” descendant, the liberal establishment, the neoconservatives, and their police and intelligence apparatuses.

There are two consequences of this unholy alliance. First, the Christian Right itself is recognized by all these forces to be a power and thus a threat. Second, it is time for this arranged order to end and for a New Christian Right to emerge and stake its rightful claim on twenty-first century American politics.

Since the end of the Second World War, a liberal “post-war consensus” has established itself in a position of global hegemony. Its primary purpose is given as the development of a world market, for which the hard labor and innovative capacities of America paved the way. This global market system has, to be fair, given an immense development to commerce, to travel, and to communication technologies. As a result, industry and commerce have expanded into a multinational dimension. This development has had many effects. For one thing, in proportion as industry, commerce, and transportation have extended themselves at home and globally, in the same proportion the ruling liberal consensus itself developed, increased its wealth and power, and pushed into the background every traditional idea handed down from the past, even those that allowed it to be built.

We can therefore see that modern liberalism—along with its current post-war world order—is itself the product of a long course of development in society, politics, and economics: a series of revolutions in culture and against tradition, but these all share a common theme. In fact, the post-war liberal consensus owes its very existence to that foundation which it now demands we abandon in the name of its inexorable pursuit of what it calls “progress.” Each step of “progress” in the development of the hegemony of the post-war liberal consensus, however, was more than progress alone; it was also accompanied by a corresponding political advance of liberalism itself. 

Before the establishment of this “consensus” to liberalism and “progress,” a true Right, running under the sway of robust Christian values, with an armed and self-governing association of men keeping order and peace in their familiar communities, was operating in more or less independent locales fully aware of both people and place, and they kept their own organized hierarchies and their own customs and traditions. It wasn’t to last. The consensus view was that the Second Great War was not to be repeated under any circumstances.

As a result, this self-gratifying liberal order forced its way into national, then international, “consensus,” and as it went it had to, at last, conquer custom, tradition, faith, and the true Right that kept them. All that was left for the “Right” to do under “consensus” was to serve either the new liberal war machine or its military-industrial complex as a flimsy counterpoise against the older, dying world—because “Never Again.” In so capitulating, the post-war “Right” established for itself the modern “representative” managerial state, even while the Left positioned then built a sprawling liberal civil rights bureaucracy, thus granting liberalism exclusive political sway. Now in each place in America, over each of its peoples, the executive of the modern liberal state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole liberal world order and its global “consensus” against the Right.

Liberalism itself, speaking historically, has therefore played a most “revolutionary” part in its own rise and eventual ironic demise. It saws from beneath its own bottom the limb upon which it sits and provides the necessary impetus for the reemergence of the Right that has always existed to oppose it.

Speaking historically, liberalism, wherever it has the upper hand, puts an end to all previous social and religious relations, however stabilizing and enriching they may be. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley hierarchical ties that bound man to his “natural superiors” and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than soulless cash payment and hollow “individual fulfillment.” It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious worship, of chivalrous enthusiasm by men for their women, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of a supremely egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into self-centered atomic individual utility, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms enjoyed by godly men in its predecessors, it has set up that single, unconscionable freedom—an individualist libertinism shorn of any responsibility to God, community, people, place, hierarchy, or history. 

In its precious world market—its bright Golden Calf—liberalism, however classical, sells the lie of “Free Trade,” but what it trades are peoples and their organic communities for its own bloody profits. In one word, liberalism is betrayal, veiled by religious and political illusions. It has substituted for life a naked, shameless, direct, brutal betrayal of everything and everyone who made its rise possible in the first place.

Liberalism, even in the not-yet-debased “classical” form, has stripped of its aura every job and social occupation previously honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the worker, the man of science, into corporate avatars—employees—of its own insatiable machine.

Not content just to destroy the dignity of work, liberalism has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere relationship of convenience, if not of strife. So pervasive has been the liberal rape of the traditional family that we scarcely need to discuss it.

Liberalism has disclosed with self-flagellating guilt how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigor in men in earlier times—which some on the Right so much admire—found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about and then to hate itself for it. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and the Crusades. But these are stripped down to relics of pointless guilt and sickly cultural shame, no longer inspiring to generations of men who are yet to come. They have been digested by the all-consuming morass of “progress” with its bottomless anomie, toxicified empathy, and atomized apathy.

In sum, liberalism simply cannot exist without constantly remaking everything in its broad, if not endless, claim upon the world. Thereby the relations of men and women in the communities it hollows out like a gourd, and with them the whole fabric of a vibrant, thriving society. Constant revolutionizing of every last thing, uninterrupted disturbance of all social relationships and their deep-rooted and godly bases, even in God Himself show everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the liberal epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, once-solid and stabilizing relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are claimed in the liberal churn, and all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can lay even a single fresh root. In liberalism, all that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his own kind in his own place. 

But, it isn’t to last! Conservation of the old modes of living in unaltered form was the first condition of existence for all foundations of the liberal Beast, and to them there must be a return. This is the awakening from the excesses of liberalism itself of a New Right—a New Christian Right—that is at last able to remember who we were before we were forced into liberal “consensus.”

The New Christian Right understands the world it finds itself in. People have been artificially changed under the liberal consensus. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the people and nations in themselves, liberalism led people to find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of cheap foreign manufacturing, nourishing international dependence. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have a perverse soup of universal interdependence of nations abroad and multiculturalism at home, if home it even still is.

As with industry, so also in intellectual activity. The intellectual creations of individuals in their nations became under liberalism an international sludge of a toxic and vacant academic rightthink. Everything became stupid, Woke. Historical, independent, and communal thought, and especially religious beliefs, became more and more impossible, and from the numerous pieces of authentic human art and literature that once inspired men and set fire in their souls, there arises a globally homogeneous world “literature” that fails to inspire at all.

This is the nature of liberalism itself. Liberalism keeps more and more doing away with the organic state of the population, of authentic means of producing and enjoying property, of living traditional life. It has agglomerated populations, centralized the means of producing the false values and faddish trends of all of society, and while it did, it concentrated political power in a few hands of its friends. 

The obvious consequence of liberalism, then, has been complete political centralization of liberalism itself. Independent, or loosely connected communities, with separate or conservative interests, laws, governments, religious beliefs, and community structures, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one pseudo-federated national interest in “progress,” and then it globalized its ambition, taking our sons and daughters to die in backward deserts. Now it advances upon us as one liberal consensus meant to be totalizing and inescapable, and we dare not do so much as complain, never mind fighting back.

Liberalism, during its rule of scarcely two hundred years, has created a more massive and more colossal tyrannical apparatus than have all preceding generations of men put together. With its technology and an unshakable belief in its own “progress,” it has conquered Nature and man—if not God Himself—or so it thinks. When has any political ideology ever claimed so much while giving so little in return?

It is thus time for the true Right to remind us where it all came from. It came from the very foundations it now mocks and destroys! It came from “backward” and “deplorable” Christian men in “flyover country” who built and worshiped and lived in communities that took care of themselves because they knew who they were, and they knew who their neighbors were, and they knew Who God is. And, to its own chagrin, liberalism, through its terrible failure, has brought it back. The New Christian Right arises as antithesis to the movement that repressed it and its wisdom.

Today, a pivotal movement is going on before our own eyes. Liberalism is reaching its eventual stage of crisis, prelude to its inevitable and natural conclusion. Whether in the form of rising Communism, a brainwashed and disembodied youth that can’t understand its own history or its own genitals—or read to be able to come to understand them—a financial situation destroyed by “Free Trade” and “spreading liberalism” though endless military-industrial wars, or a complete collapse of faith in the lying liberal system, liberalism is fast approaching its natural end. And how does liberalism handle these crises? With more liberalism! That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises can be prevented.

Thus, we see the weapons with which liberalism felled tradition to the ground are now turned against liberalism itself! But not only has liberalism forged the very weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons—the true but forgotten Right—the New Christian Right.

This New Christian Right is going through many stages of its own development. First, it is rediscovering forgotten philosophers and ways of thought and political organization outside the liberal hegemony and especially outside its odious post-war consensus (to which the Right never agreed). Then it is organizing and inspiring men to Christian conversion. It isn’t content to rest in theory but is taking righteous action. A New Christian Right, not necessarily liberal, asks new questions about old ideas and offers new solutions that return us to what had always worked before.

With its rebirth begins its necessary struggle with liberalism. At first the contest is carried on by individual men and Christians dissatisfied with the liberal status quo, then by churches and communities, then by groups of godly men and women getting involved with their newly remembered Christian faiths and newly kindled Right-wing values in politics, in one locality, against the liberals who directly pushed them to the side. They direct their attacks not only against the malformed fruits of liberal society, but against the roots of liberalism themselves. They destroy secular values that compete with religious ones, they smash to pieces blasphemies tolerated by liberal pride, they proclaim their values and their religion and set hearts ablaze, and they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the traditional man with his traditional wife and their traditional children in their traditional churches leading their traditional communities.

The more liberals resist this force, the New Christian Right not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels its strength more. Thereupon, the Right begins to band together against the liberals. The liberals work together in order to keep up their power; but the real fruit of the battles lies not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union and unity of this New Christian Right.

This organization of the New Christian Right into a movement will continually be upset again by the competition between its various factions, but it is rising. We take no enemies to the Right and always redouble our efforts to our Left. In that way, we ever rise up again, stronger, firmer, mightier for all these contests. For this reason, in the end, we will win back our culture and take back our communities, and the liberals can go ahead and thank themselves.

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Image Credit: Unsplash

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