Evangelicals Ought to Engage in Politics Rightly
In the American political milieu, and especially so in this chaotic and acrimonious election season, this means our politics will inevitably and unreservedly be right-wing.
To evangelicals accustomed to thinking about politics through the lens of evangelism, I suspect this is already an uncomfortable conclusion to draw. It grates against their sensibilities to explicitly align ourselves to a political side. This risks compromising our witness, they might say. It seems partisan, and therefore unnecessarily divisive, or perhaps even idolatrous — keeping those with left-wing politics from the gospel. Jesus, they aver, is neither right nor left, neither Republican nor Democrat.
These instinctual reactions from some are misplaced, however, and evince a muddled understanding of politics and our Christian responsibilities therein. Evangelicals would do well this election season to reconsider, from the ground up and without drawing a priori conclusions, how we engage in politics.
Our conclusion from the outset, we will see, follows from a sober assessment of the American political landscape and two principles for political participation that evangelicals can broadly and confidently affirm. The first pertains to political priorities and the second pertains to political engagement.
Perspicuous Priorities
Our first principle follows from a relatively anodyne observation: not all political issues are equally important. We should prioritize certain issues over other issues. The pertinent question is: how so? Our first principle — the Principle of Perspicuous Priorities — is this:
The clearer a particular political issue is addressed in the Bible, and the more sharply the issue is contested in our political milieu, the more central it ought to be to our politics.
The Protestant reformers, in contravening papal claims to ultimate authority in scriptural interpretation, affirmed the perspicuity of scripture. That is, that scripture is essentially clear in communicating the essentials regarding God’s character, the nature of salvation, and God’s good design for human flourishing. As a method of interpreting scripture, it is wise therefore for us to read what is unclear in light of what is clear, and to hold that which is clear most central to our theological commitments.
So too with our political commitments. We should understand what is clearly affirmed in scripture and seek to orient our political priorities accordingly. Of course, we do not expect the Bible to give us precise policy prescriptions to our particular moment, but it does give us principles by which to structure our political thinking.
In another era, applying a biblical perspective to politics would require more sophisticated and prudential considerations. When our politics stem from shared moral — indeed religious — presuppositions, the issues over which we divide are much more like in house, familial conflicts. Political debates are less about our fundamental worldview and more about the implications of our worldview.
Not so in our current political milieu. Our political divisions are increasingly sharp and our discourse increasingly acrimonious because the issues over which we divide are far more fundamental, far more anthropological. They cut straight to our understanding of what it means to be human.
Because these issues are so foundational, and because biblical anthropology is so rich, there are little to no degrees of freedom between our most contested issues and the clear, plain teaching of scripture. So what does this mean for our modern politics?
First, this means protecting and promoting human life and dignity from the moment of conception until natural death.
The political left-wing rejects this in favor of autonomous individualism. This manifests in a strident, overtly glorifying advocacy for abortion. Limitations of any kind are not countenanced. Long gone are the days of abortion being lamentable; the killing of millions of our children each year must be celebrated as a positive, liberating good that ought to be funded with taxpayer money. Public opponents of the abortion regime are persecuted and prosecuted. In our current election cycle, indeed, abortion is the primary campaign theme for the political left.
Second, this means protecting and promoting God’s good design for marriage and sexuality.
Men and women are different, complementary, and decidedly not interchangeable. Marriage is the lifelong monogamous union between one man and one woman, oriented towards the generation and education of children. Espousing this good, normative foundation for society is instinctually chastised and vituperated by the political left-wing, who promote in its stead — from the highest levels of government — a panoply of pornographic, rainbow-colored perversions. Transvestism and gender confusion are institutionalized in policy that prevents Christian adoption, undercuts parental authority, and enables child castration.
Lest we confuse this for the views of a fringe cohort, these are the institutional positions of the Democratic Party and its current presidential candidate. These are overt repudiations of what evangelicals believe and what scripture clearly teaches. These issues — the anthropological issues — must be central to our politics. Of course, there are many other issues to which we must apply a biblical perspective, and which matter a great deal.
We might find lawless immigration, foreign interventionism, politically-motivated law-fare, or administrative rot to be supremely important — and so they are, and so are others. The observation we are making is not that these are unimportant, but that in forming our perspectives, there are few others that are quite so basic as proper anthropology.
Therefore, because biblical anthropology redounds to human flourishing, the left-wing’s repudiation is decidedly anti-human and evangelicals cannot support it. Evangelicals must reject the left.
Effective Engagement
Our second principle acknowledges that evangelicals ought to be engaged in politics and, because we seek to live excellently unto the glory of God, and excellence seeks effectiveness, we ought to do so effectively. Our second principle — the Principle of Effective Engagement — is this:
Evangelicals are called to engage in politics wisely and, to the extent that we can, effectively.
Politics pertains to public action taken towards communal ends. Because the kingdom of God is inexorably public — it is of no use to put the light under a basket, as Jesus taught — our faith will inevitably have political implications. Moreover, while Jesus’ command to love our neighbors is often misused in political contexts, we mustn’t discard the principle for its abuses. Because we are called to love our neighbors, and politics shapes the environment in which we and our neighbors live, evangelicals should be politically engaged.
Engagement, of course, is necessary but insufficient as a rule. If we engage, but only in such a manner that is morally upright yet ineffective, then we may have been faithful in our comportment and loved our neighbor in spirit, but we have not loved them in practice. Evangelicals stand on the truth of scripture and of God’s creation order, which redound to human flourishing. When we implement policies that are clearly aligned as such, then we are improving civil society. We cannot improve civil society, however, if we are never effective in achieving our political ends. The goal of our political engagement is achieving political wins that honor and glorify God.
How should we seek effectiveness in our modern politics? A few weeks ago — an eternity on the political timeline of late — Republicans substantially revised their party platform to remove support for a national right to life amendment and other pro-life protections, in favor of a moderated stance declaiming late-term abortions and leaving the issue to the states. Evangelicals, rightly so, denounced the revisions.
In an effort to address evangelicals and other social conservatives concerned with the platform changes, vice presidential candidate J.D. Vance offered: “as long as I am part of this administration, social conservatives will always have a seat at the table.” Many prominent evangelicals sneered at this gesture from Vance — just a seat at the table! — as being paltry and insulting.
The impulse driving this reaction is understandable — maybe even righteous — yet misguided. While the GOP’s moderation is lamentable, and we ought to fight against it, we are being dense if we do not still recognize a yawning chasm between the two parties. Moreover, we do not need to understand Vance’s deeply held convictions on our political priorities, or even lack thereof, to rightly discern how to engage.
This brings us to our final point: if evangelicals are to be effective in our political engagement and are to accomplish our political goals, we will have to apply political pressure where it is most likely to generate policy wins. In our political environment, this is unmistakably on the right and with the Republican Party.
The Republican Party is offering a seat at the table; the Democratic Party is not. The former is amenable to political pressure; the latter is not.
We need not endorse the entirety of the Republican Party — a motley coalition by necessity — nor be gullible believers in the promises of politicians to understand this. We merely need to understand transactional incentives. The Democratic coalition is diametrically opposed to our priorities, while the Republican coalition is not. We cannot achieve political wins allying with the Democrats, but we might achieve political wins allying with the Republicans.
Conclusion
Let’s address a couple anticipated objections to close.
In our current political climate, there are many who use liberally — double entendre intended — the term partisan as a pejorative and will be tempted to do so in response to the argument outlined here. If so, this would be either manipulative or obtuse. Though we conclude that evangelical politics are rightly right-wing and ought to manifest in Republican Party engagement, we come to this conclusion by reasoning from principles to prudential application by assessing our current political landscape — far from unthinking fealty to politician or party.
More sophisticated critics might say the argument above is reductive — that the argument only addresses a narrow range of issues. Surely there is more liberty if we expand our scope. This is a cleverer critique because indeed we have focused primarily on the anthropological issues. But our argument is not meant to comprehensively address all of politics, but to orient our politics based on our clear biblical commitments and the fundamental issues of the day. Focusing on priorities has a clarifying effect and, as we have argued, it is sufficient to draw clear conclusions. Moreover, in order to support the left one would need to ignore or reject the left’s anti-human positions, which are in clear contravention of scripture.
We thus conclude where we began: in our modern political milieu, evangelicals ought to be self-consciously right-wing. We should reject the left-wing on principle — based on their clear rejection of biblical anthropology — and ally with the right-wing on prudence, as a vehicle for effecting actual political wins.
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Most mathematicians are very precise when communicating because their profession is about applying detail definitions to problems. But such is not the case in the above article. Take the following for example:
‘First, this means protecting and promoting human life and dignity from the moment of conception until natural death.
The political left-wing rejects this in favor of autonomous individualism.‘
First, what is the political left-wing? Is the political left-wing the same as being a liberal Democrat or is it Marxist? And NO, the Dems are not Marxists. Is Bishop’s political left-wing monolithic or does it need to be broken down into further categories?
Second, the political left-wing has no interest in promoting human life and dignity even after birth? First, though vastly outnumbered, there are some pro-life Dems. Second, doesn’t the political left-wing’s concern about climate change, social safety nets, and national efforts to respond to a deadly global pandemic show a legitimate interest in ‘protecting and promoting human life and dignity‘ not just for those who are born, but for those who are not yet born or even conceived? If we continue with the Republican denial of man-caused climate change, what will life be like for those generations that have been born as well as those generation that are yet to be born?
Let’s continue with the next quote:
‘Second, this means protecting and promoting God’s good design for marriage and sexuality.
Men and women are different, complementary, and decidedly not interchangeable. Marriage is the lifelong monogamous union between one man and one woman, oriented towards the generation and education of children. Espousing this good, normative foundation for society is instinctually chastised and vituperated by the political left-wing, who promote in its stead — from the highest levels of government — a panoply of pornographic, rainbow-colored perversions. ‘
How does outlawing same-sex marriage protect marriage as God designed it? What are those who are homosexual to do? We, as Christians hope that they would repent, and we hope that as colleagues in sin because we heterosexuals have our own heterosexual desires and practices to repent of. Is the real issue of trying to overturn the legalization of same-sex marriages more concerned with forcing conformity on those whose practices make us feel uncomfortable. But we should also consider this. By not allowing for the legalization of same-sex marriages, we failing to promote life long, monogamous marriages for homosexuals. And when we do that, we make them more vulnerable to practice promiscuity than they already are. And with promiscuity comes diseases. And with diseases comes attacks on human life and its dignity.
Now what about the following:
‘We might find lawless immigration, foreign interventionism, politically-motivated law-fare, or administrative rot to be supremely important — and so they are, and so are others. The observation we are making is not that these are unimportant, but that in forming our perspectives, there are few others that are quite so basic as proper anthropology.‘
If we are so interested in protecting and promoting human life, shouldn’t we also include some of the reasons why people are emigrating here? Aren’t two of the major reasons to escape poverty and violence. And quite often, that poverty and violence in our southern neighbors is due to interventionist foreign policies that we were equally started by Presidential Administrations from both major political parties. In addition, we need to distinguish between those foreign policies that are pursued for the protection and promotion of business interests from those policies that are necessary to pursue simply by virtue of being a major player in the international community. But no distinctions are made here by Bishop.
Bishop is rightly concerned about the weakening of the pro-life position of the Republican Party. He is also rightly concerned about partisanship and divisiveness in politics. But how more partisan and divisive can one be than to act like the Pharisee from the Parable of the Two Men Praying by demonizing those who are not politically conservative. And with that demonization comes a lack of precision in describing those whom one is demonizing.
Notice:
This interloper is a Bolshevik with a particular hatred for White people; these being evidenced from his pathetically embarrassing blog.
In no wise concern yourself with the opinions of this subverter.
Zoomer,
why do some have to overstate their description of those with whom they disagree?
I am no Bolshevik. In fact, I don’t even consider Lenin’s rule over the Soviet Union to be Marxist and I don’t agree with Marx on everything either. Rosa Luxemburg described the structure of Lenin’s government correctly when she called it a bourgeoisie dictatorship. BTW, I also have disagreements with her too.
But what I do know is that authoritarians are afraid of dissent and non-conformity. What they want is for their audiences to reflexively accept what they approve of or reflexively reject what disapprove of. And that seems to be what is encouraged by your comment.
Observe how the Bolshevik frames his deliberate subversion as mere “non-conformity.”
Your entire presence on this site consists of regurgitating an endless spew of meaningless cavils in an effort to in someway delegitimize the argumentation of right-thinking Christians. Your tireless and slavish commitment to this spew is exhausting and totally ceaseless – this being a deliberate attempt to make your Marxist gloss appear as though sound and rational by mere default due to the absence of individuals willing to waste their entire day at a keyboard to ones such as yourself.
Again, I implore you to give up this pathetic waste of an activity and perhaps spend that time attempting to curry favour with your no doubt alienated grandchildren.
Zoomer,
Obviously, you will not listen. And you do so in an effort to evoke a reflexive rejection of what I wrote even if what I wrote about myself.
I will describe my position one more time. I am not a Bolshevik. In fact, I favored the Mensheviks. And of any socialist person whom I most resemble, it would Karl Kautsky. And that will only matter to you if you understand the differences between the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks and have a rough knowledge of Kautsky.
Of course, you can say anything you want against me because you have no accountability but plenty of motive. And the lack of evidence doesn’t seem to deter you.
Fascinating, he accuses me of “not listening” but evidently fails to respond to my own point – that you are a Bolshevik interloper who offers nothing more of thought than mere trifling cavils in an attempt to subvert, manipulate and confuse.
You are fooling no one.
Additionally, your laughable insistence on you not being a Bolshevik because you “favour the Mensheviks” is absolutely hilarious and demonstrates your caviler attitude in how you will deliberately argue over a semantical issue in order to confuse and disrupt the main thrust of an argument. Obviously, I know you’re not a literal Bolshevik, that is totally irrelevant and insufficient cause to not label you as a Bolshevik regardless.
Zoomer,
Here are quotes from my last two responses both of which address your point that you claim I am a Bolshevik:
From my comment on Aug 14, 2:43 PM:
‘I am no Bolshevik‘
From my comment on Aug 14, 4:31 PM:
‘I am not a Bolshevik‘
And so I guess that you are neither listening nor reading.
However, the article is not about me, and my comment is about the lack of precision in Bishop’s article. For example, he accuses the left-wing, which he oddly, for a Mathematician, leaves undefined, of not wanting to protect and promote human life and dignity. But he neglects to address areas where the left-wing does seek to protect and promote human life. I mentioned them:
1. the left-wing is concerned about man caused climate change and its negative effects over the whole world
2. the left-wing is concerned about protecting social safety nets for the vulnerable
3. the left-wing exercised concerned about national efforts to combat a deadly pandemic
we could add that:
1. the left-wing is concerned about nuclear weapons and the deadly future they represent
2. the left-wing is concerned about foreign interventions for the sake of American hegemony. Neither the dems nor the repubs are concerned about that unless an intervention would interfere with Russia’s interests in conquering other nations, then that bothers some repubs.
So, for example, are you concerned with the effects of man-caused climate change?
BTW, your response to my comment that I favored the Mensheviks strongly indicates that you don’t know what a bolshevik was back then. And so it simply means that you are here to insult and to distract from points made.
Thank you Curt for your thoughtful comments, I agree with so much here. This issue is very nuanced.
(Woman.)
Zoomer,
A Christofascist is as realistic as hitting a lead off grand slam.
Emily,
Thank you for your kind words.
The original article is well written and tightly argued. The conclusion is hard to avoid. Unfortunately many will still avoid it. It’s a heavy lift to get other Evangelicals to agree to prioritize the anthropological issues. I fear conservative Evangelicals who agree with this article are a smaller minority than we want to admit.
JW,
You can’t have a tightly argued article with conclusions that are difficult to avoid when the article lacks well-defined terms.
Can you see the irony in criticizing the author for using a term without defining it and then using the same term without defining it yourself? We all know what “political left-wing” means. Even you know what it means, judging by your use of the term.
JW,
What do you mean by left? What does Bishop mean? I can’t give his definition so there is no irony. All I can do is to point out that he failed to provide a definition.
But I can also say that those of us on the Left see the dems as being closer to the Repubs than to themselves. And so what you or Bishop mean by political left-wing is not necessarily what us Leftists mean. And btw, I introduced a distinction between the Democratic liberals and the real Left though I didn’t give a full answer.