A Sermon Preached Before the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut
Introduction
Edward Dorr (1722-1772) was the pastor of First Church Hartford, Connecticut. The Dorr family had come to America in 1670, purchased land in Boston and eventually moved to Roxbury. Part of the family alter moved to Lyme, Connecticut. Edward was born in 1722, graduated from Yale and married the daughter of the Connecticut Governor. He pastored the same church in Hartford for the rest of his life and died childless in 1772. The table monument at his grave in the old Centre Church cemetery reads,
“Here lies interred the body of The Reverend Edward Dorr, the late Learned and Pious Pastor of the first church of Christ in Hartford, who departed this life Oct. 20th Anno Domini 1772 in the 50th year of his age and 25 of his ministry. And Jesus said I am the Resurrection and the Life.”
Dorr’s election sermon was delivered in 1765. The French and Indian War was over and mutual frustration between the colonies and the home government was already emerging. To account for war debt, parliament had begun its scheme to raise revenue from their North American outposts. The Stamp Act Congress would meet in New York five months after Connecticut’s election day. The Declaration of Rights and Grievances was released by the Congress on October 14, 1765, protesting the stamp duties that would go into effect on November 1. The Stamp Act would be repealed and replaced by the Declaratory Act, and the rest is history, though Dorr himself would not live to see the final results.
Amidst this growing mood of discontent and uncertainty, Dorr called Connecticut’s magistrates to their duty as nursing fathers of the church (Isaiah 49:23). There are several points worth highlighting from the sermon for readers especially in light of present debates. Many readers would be shocked by how often seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Protestants ascribed prophetical fulfillment to Constantine and Theodosius. Dorr was no exception. The transition from the early persecution of the church to its favor amongst emperors marked the beginning of Isaiah’s prophecy in history.
Notice also that Dorr finds the religious role of kings and magistrates not in the ascendancy of Christianity but as more basic and ancient (as I’ve recently argued):
“All antient history, justifies the truth of this observation. So that ’tis hard to find, among mankind, any nation or people, wherein any regular, civil polity, hath been established, who have not made some kind of provision for the support and maintenance of public worship, in some form or other.”
Christianity simply supplied the true religion to the equation. Since Constantine, the consent of Christian nations had been the same.
“Christian princes have also ever adopted the same sentiments. Constantine, Theodosius, and all the first Christian emperors, made it one of their earliest cares, publicly to patronize religion, and to provide for, and support the ministers of it. This practice hath been continued ever since; nor is there at this day, any Christian state, or nation in Europe, where no public provision is made for the establishment and support of religion.”
In England, Christianity was part of the common law, as Matthew Hale had insisted since 1675, meaning that “the king, and all in authority, are bound to support it.” That this basic assumption endured into the early republic period in America demonstrates the endurance of this duty in even more basic and fundamental ways that whatever was explicitly said by constitutions.
Perhaps more persuasive to some, Dorr also explains the magistrate’s duty to religion in terms of evangelistic love of neighbor:
“Civil rulers then, as men, are under the same obligations with their neighbors, with other men to profess the religion of Christ, and to pay obedience to it; but as men advanced to high and elevated stations in life, they are under peculiar obligations unto this, because their examples, as they are either good or bad, have a mighty influence, either to reform or debauch a people, and deluge them in immorality and vice. If we look into the word of God, we always find, that when a good and religious prince ascended the throne of Israel, religion flourished through the nation, and the worship of God was duly attended everywhere; while on the other hand, when an idolatrous prince reigned, idolatry and wickedness became general among the people.”
With all this in view, Dorr adds that he is well aware that God can defend his church and is the ultimate guarantor of its survival. More direct preservation was evident in the earl church. More ordinarily, God works “by means, and one of the most effectual means is to raise up good magistrates, to protect and take care of his church.” George Carleton (1559-1628) similarly said that God raised up civil authorities even before the establishment of the New Testament church for the purpose of preserving and protecting the church. Protestants today should consider why they do not think in such providential terms and appreciate even less the means of that providence.
Dorr is fairly liberal in his vision of what religious establishment amongst Christians should look like, i.e., not too narrow or rigid. But note that he considers public support of a particular denomination to be unobjectionable given that other public goods are similarly funded even over the objections of citizens. If dissenting denominations are permitted to worship freely then they have no ground for complaint; privileging one sect over another in terms of public support cannot be equated with persecution. Religion, more than any other good, has temporal benefit and is of the highest concern to a true nursing father, a duty given to him not by the citizens but by God.
Sermon
Tis a melancholy truth, confirmed by the history of all nations, that the rulers of this world have generally set themselves in opposition to the interest of true religion, and the cause of Christ. Although mankind have always been sensible that a proper veneration of, and regard to the Deity, and a just sense of our obligation unto him, is the best, and indeed the only security of civil government; and hence have very naturally concluded that civil rulers ought to provide for, and support the public exercise of religion: yet, such have been the unhappy mistakes and prejudices they have labored under, that wherever the gospel hath been sent among a people, the powers in being, instead of nourishing, have too often set themselves to oppress and persecute the church of Christ.
This was the case for the first three hundred years after the publication of the Christian scheme, it met with violent opposition from all orders and degrees of men, from the powers of this world, and the powers of darkness also; and even till this day, the religion of the gospel labors under much oppression from the greater part of civil rulers. ‘Tis strange indeed, that it should be so! One acquainted with human nature, who only considered the genius and temper of Christianity, how friendly it is to civil government, and how careful of its just rights, would never imagine this could be the case; for tis certain, that the gospel above all other religions, instructs mankind in the duties they owe unto their lawful rulers; and on the severest penalties, urges the observance and the practice of them.
But yet, experience shews, that it has met with little proper encouragement from the greater part of civil rulers. However, we have reason to hope that it will not always be so: sacred writ gives us ground to expect happier times in the latter days; when Christianity shall spread itself far and wide, and cover the earth, as the waters do the seas; when every knee shall bow to CHRIST, and every tongue proclaim his praises; when kings and princes, instead of opposing, shall employ their power and influence to protect and favor the church of Christ.
To use the language of the text, Kings shall be nursing fathers, and queens nursing mothers to it; they shall bow down with their face to the earth, and lick up the dust of its feet: i.e., they shall nourish and protect the church, and pay all due honor and regard to it. I am sufficiently aware, that this prophesy had a primary reference to the Jew’s return from the Babylonish captivity; and that it had a partial accomplishment, when Cyrus, Artaxerxes, Darius, and other Persian monarchs issued royal mandates in their favor, and brought them back unto their own land. It had also a further and more glorious accomplishment when Constantine, Theodosius, and other Roman emperors publicly patronized Christianity and established it in the world.
And whenever the scepter is put into the hands of a pious and religious prince, this prophesy has still a further fulfilment. However, I take it to be plain, that nothing which hath ever yet happened, in any measure comes up to those glorious things, which in this chapter, and elsewhere are spoken of the city of God; and that it hath a particular reference to the last happy days, when the mountain of the Lord’s house shall lift itself up above the top of the mountains, and the top of the hills, and shall cover the face of the whole earth. When all nations shall look to Zion and be saved. But I mean not to enter largely into this matter; thus, much may fairly be inferred from the text, that civil rulers ought to be nursing fathers to the church; and that we may look for a time when they will really be so. I shall therefore on this occasion only endeavor to shew,
I. How civil rulers are to be nursing fathers to the church. And then,
II. Point out the reasons of it or shew why they are to be so.
Here then let us enquire,
I. How, and in what ways civil rulers are to be nursing fathers to the church of Christ?
To this, I answer,
1. They are to protect and defend it from the malice and insults of all its enemies. The church of Christ hath always had its enemies in the world, who either in a more open and public, or in a more secret and concealed manner have sought its ruin. And many times for wise and holy purposes, Divine Providence hath permitted them greatly to prevail; so that the hearts of God’s faithful ones have almost fainted, and the church to all appearance been on the brink of ruin. This particularly was the case soon after the first planting of Christianity in the world, many enemies causelessly rose up against it; and though some lucid intervals came between, some times of quiet and of rest; yet the church labored under a dark cloud, a series of oppression for near three hundred years together; during which time, no less than ten persecutions, severe and cruel persecution followed one upon the back of another.
And often since, God hath permitted the enemy greatly to prevail, and to raise many cruel storms of persecution against the church of Christ. The history of the faithful in almost every age and country will produce many instances of this: nor may we hope that the church will ever be free from enemies; to be sure, before the last happy times, prophesied of in my text, and elsewhere, when Christ shall have the heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession; when kings shall be nursing fathers, and queens nursing mothers to it. The church is now in a militant state; and we may always expect that the Dragon will persecute the woman. Satan and wicked men will always set themselves against the people of God, and say of Jerusalem, let us rase it, let us rase it even to the foundation.
Now tis the duty of civil rulers to protect and defend the church, and people of CHRIST from the insults of all their enemies, and not suffer the adversary to hurt or take away their privileges. They are indeed to protect and defend all, in the enjoyment of their just rights, and not suffer the stronger, like beasts of prey to oppress and devour the weaker. They are armed with power and authority for this purpose. And especially should this their authority be exercised for the protection of the church—not indeed that the civil authority are to persecute others, for not being Christians; Christ never called for fire from heaven to devour his adversaries; but they are to restrain those that set themselves against the church, and not suffer the enemy to vex and to destroy it.
2. Civil rulers are to suppress all immorality and vice, and to encourage the practice of virtue and piety. Immorality and vice is highly detrimental not only to the civil, but especially to the religious interests of mankind. It sets itself in opposition to them, and in proportion as the former increases, the latter must decay. While on the other hand, virtue and piety are an honor and an ornament to a people, and the best security, both of church and state.
Civil rulers should therefore set themselves to encourage the one, and to discountenance and discourage the other. They are by office bound to oppose evil men, and evil things, and to support and assist the good. By divine institution, they are to be terrors to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. For this end they are armed with power and authority, and are ministers of God to execute vengeance on them that do evil. I am sensible indeed, that many sorts of immorality and vice lie secret and concealed from public view, and fall not properly under the cognizance of the civil magistrate, nor are they punishable by the state; but others are open and public, such as profaning the name of God and religion, fraud, theft, injustice, intemperance, uncleanness, &c. These are properly within the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate, and he ought to support religion, by employing his power and influence to discountenance and discourage them, and to promote and encourage their contrary virtues. And the eyes of good rulers will be open upon the faithful of the land, that they may dwell in their sight; they will early destroy the workers of iniquity, and cut them off from the land.
Again,
3. Civil rulers are to support and maintain religion, and to provide for the public exercises of it. Religion can’t be supported and maintained in the world, without some expense. Though the service of the gospel is not burthensome, like that of the law; yet, in the nature of the thing, there must be some expense attending the public profession and practice of it. This the civil magistrate is to take care of and make suitable provision for. When God condescended to take upon himself the more immediate government of the Jewish nation, as their king, he not only instituted and appointed a religion for them to attend upon; but obliged the rulers of the people, as his substitute in government, to take care, that the public exercises of it were kept up and maintained, and the necessary expenses of it provided for. And all along, under that dispensation, we find good rulers taking care of these things. David made provision for building the temple, and Solomon carried it into execution.
And whenever civil rulers have been careless, and neglected this part of their trust, God has severely reproved them. Nehemiah contended with the rulers, and rebuked them, because the house of the Lord was neglected, the tithe withheld, and the priests, God’s ministers in religion, not duly supported. And ’tis evident, that under the law, a very ample provision was made, for the public support and maintenance of religion, and all the officers of it, even by God himself. Nor was this a notion peculiar to the Jews; all nations, as far as history looks back, have adopted, in substance, very much the same sentiments. Even the heathen, who had only the dim light of nature, have been sensible, that the public profession and practice of religion, was a benefit to the state, and absolutely necessary, to the safety and security of civil government. Hence, wise legislators, in all nations, have made early provision for this.
All antient history, justifies the truth of this observation. So that ’tis hard to find, among mankind, any nation or people, wherein any regular, civil polity, hath been established, who have not made some kind of provision for the support and maintenance of public worship, in some form or other. A due veneration of the Deity, and sense of our obligations to him, being the best security mankind can possibly have, of the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of their lives, liberties and properties. Hence, atheism and infidelity have been odious everywhere; and the public hath always made provision to instruct mankind in the duties of morality and virtue, and to support the worship of God. Christian princes have also ever adopted the same sentiments. Constantine, Theodosius, and all the first Christian emperors, made it one of their earliest cares, publicly to patronize religion, and to provide for, and support the ministers of it. This practice hath been continued ever since; nor is there at this day, any Christian state, or nation in Europe, where no public provision is made for the establishment and support of religion. Britain, from the most early ages, hath had her establishments. The public support and maintenance of religion is liberally provided for, in the land of our forefather’s nativity.
The Christian religion is a part of the common law, and the king, and all in authority, are bound to support it. Our fathers, the first settlers of this country, brought with them the same sentiments; and in almost all the several governments in New-England, made early provision for the support of a learned and orthodox ministry. Very particular care for this purpose, was taken by the legislative authority, in this colony, not only by enabling every town and society, to support the ministry, by a rate or tax, laid on the polls, and ratable estates of all their inhabitants, but by obliging them to settle a minister. The support and maintenance of public worship, our fathers considered as a debt due from individuals to the public; and undoubtedly imagined the law, as it then stood, had created such a fund as would be sufficient for that purpose, in all succeeding generations. I mention these facts, not as demonstrative proofs or arguments of the point in view; but only to shew, that the doctrine of religious establishments, however faulted by many, is a doctrine that approves itself to the human mind; otherwise ’tis scarcely to be imagined, that the wisest and greatest legislators in all ages, and among all nations would have so generally adopted it. I well know, that the notions of mankind, have been almost infinitely various; and that some have carried it a great deal further than others; yet common sense has taught all, that as God is to be worshipped, worshipped in public as well as in private; public care, in some shape or other, should be taken, to provide for it.
After all, I am not insensible, that in most instances, civil rulers have gone a great deal too far, over and above establishing and supporting that religion which they accounted most agreeable to the Deity, and most beneficial to the state: They have oppressed and persecuted others, who happened to differ from them, in their religious sentiments, even though they were peaceable members of civil government. And many times, bitter persecutions have been raised, about mere trifles. I am far from justifying, or even pretending to extenuate any conduct of this kind. The rights of conscience are sacred, are unalienable; every man is under higher obligations to his Maker, than he is, or can be, to any earthly rulers whatever; and should therefore be left at liberty to worship GOD according to the dictates of his own conscience, provided his principles and practice are such, as give no just umbrage, no disturbance to the state.
But then, on the other hand, all that are dissenters from any religious establishment, have reason to expect is, that they be protected in the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of their lives, liberties and properties, and in the free and undisturbed exercise of their own religion. They can’t, I apprehend, claim the peculiar favors of the state, or an exemption from contributing, in some just proportion, to support the religion of it. I am very sensible, that this is one of the tenderest and most delicate points that can well be touched upon, that civil, rulers too generally have, and may again abuse their power; and, under pretense of supporting truth, oppress and persecute the innocent.
However, there is an extreme on the other hand; and ’tis possible, at least, we may have verged too much towards that: But to prevent all misapprehensions, I beg leave to add further here, that every establishment, of a religious kind, ought to be made on the most generous, catholic principles; none should be denied the privileges of it, but for very material points indeed; little differences of opinion, about mere modes and ceremonies, or nice, speculative points of controversy, that don’t greatly affect practical godliness and virtue, and have no pernicious influence on the state, ought not to exclude any from the benefits of it. I add further,
4. That civil rulers should profess religion themselves, and set good examples of obedience to it. The divine law requires this of all men; of the high as well as of the low, of the rich, as well as of the poor; of the greatest prince, as well as of the meanest subject. None is above subjection unto God, none so high and elevated, as not to be bound to bow the knee to the King of kings, the sovereign Lord and Ruler of the universe. If those in the most dignified stations, are ashamed of Christ, he will be ashamed of them, when he comes in his own glory, in the glory of the Father, and with his holy angels, to judge both quick and dead.
Civil rulers then, as men, are under the same obligations with their neighbors, with other men to profess the religion of Christ, and to pay obedience to it; but as men advanced to high and elevated stations in life, they are under peculiar obligations unto this, because their examples, as they are either good or bad, have a mighty influence, either to reform or debauch a people, and deluge them in immorality and vice. If we look into the word of God, we always find, that when a good and religious prince ascended the throne of Israel, religion flourished through the nation, and the worship of God was duly attended everywhere; while on the other hand, when an idolatrous prince reigned, idolatry and wickedness became general among the people.
Mankind are always apt to imitate their betters: when those in lower life, see those above them religiously bending the knee to God, and paying obedience to his holy laws; religion then becomes fashionable, and all account it an honor to obtain that character. But when great men contemn the laws of Christ, and live in open opposition to them, the infection naturally spreads through the land, and the giddy multitude are easily borne away by the force of their evil examples. The universal history and observation of mankind in all ages will confirm the truth of this; nor hath it ever been known, when princes’ courts have been greatly [corrupted], but that the people in general have been corrupted too. Civil rulers then, men in dignified posts and places, are not only under all the common obligations of other men to profess and practice religion, but they are under special, they are under peculiar and additional obligations from their elevated characters also; and when they contemn and despise it, and set bad examples before the people, their guilt is doubly aggravated above that of other men. Once more,
5. Civil rulers should use their endeavors to propagate religion, and to spread the knowledge of it through the world;—all men indeed are required to do this; all are to pray that the kingdom of CHRIST may come, and his will be done on earth, as ’tis done in heaven. And if we are to pray for this, then are we to endeavor to promote the Redeemer’s kingdom in this world. Regard for the honor of GOD, and the immortal souls of our fellow men require this at our hands. Nor is there any so mean and low, so inconsiderable in life, but they may do something to help forward this good work; provided they suitably exert themselves: A small spark kindleth a great fire. The kingdom of heaven is likened to a grain of mustard seed, which, when cast into the earth, is the smallest of all seeds; but when grown up, it becometh a great and a mighty tree.
So, from the smallest efforts of ours, in the cause of Christ; great and mighty fruits may follow: these through the divine blessing, may become the beginnings of a general reformation in the place and nation where we belong; and at length spread itself even to the uttermost ends of the earth. The gospel itself had small beginnings: Jesus its blessed author, was in the eyes of men but of mean and low degree;—twelve poor, despised, illiterate fishermen; made but a mean appearance against all the great and learned rabbis, and established religions of the world: but through a Divine Power accompanying them, great and mighty effects were soon seen; in a few years Christianity spread itself everywhere; idols and idolatry fell before it. Men in the lowest stations of life, then should not be discouraged from exerting themselves in the cause of Christ; God may make them instruments of great good to the church and world.
But those in high and elevated places are under peculiar advantages to do this; and in proportion to their advantages, so are their obligations greater than other men’s. They are armed with power and authority; and God expects more from them than others. And would kings and princes, great and mighty men, unitedly exert themselves in the Redeemer’s cause, it is easy to foresee, that a great and mighty alteration would soon be brought about. Religion would spread far and wide in the world: Every knee would bow to Christ, and the knowledge of the gospel would cover the earth, as the waters do the seas.
In all these ways, civil rulers are to be nursing fathers to the church; they are to protect and defend it from the insults and malice of all its enemies, and to restrain those that say of Jerusalem, Let us rase it, let us rase it, even to the foundations thereof. They are to suppress all immorality and vice, and everything that is contrary to the pure precepts of religion, and to encourage piety and virtue. They are to be terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. They are to support and maintain religion, and to provide for the public exercises of it. They are also to profess religion themselves; to bow the knee to the Lord Jesus, and to set suitable examples of obedience to his holy laws. And they are likewise to use their authority and influence, to promote the Redeemer’s kingdom in the world; and to endeavor, that the knowledge of our glorious Savior may be extended from the rising to the setting sun. In all these ways are civil rulers to approve themselves nursing fathers unto the church of Christ.
I now go on to shew,
II. The reasons of the doctrine, or why civil rulers are to be nursing fathers to the church.
1. Their duty unto God obliges unto this. They are his ministers, they are his servants; by him it is that kings reign, and princes decree justice. ‘Tis GOD that gave them power and authority, and advanced them to their high and elevated stations in life: As his ministers therefore, they should strive to promote his honor, interest and kingdom in the world; in faithfulness to him, and as his servants, they are bound to do it. He gave them their power and authority to enable them to serve the cause of virtue and goodness, more and better than otherwise they could do. If they neglect it, they are unfaithful to their trust and violate their allegiance unto GOD the KING of Kings, and Sovereign Prince of all the princes of the earth. Again,
2. The practice of religion and virtue tends, above all things, to promote the public welfare and happiness of mankind, and to secure the ends of civil government; therefore rulers should be nursing fathers to it. Civil government was originally instituted to protect and defend men’s lives and liberties, to guard and secure their properties, and promote their temporal interests and advantages. In a state of nature, where there is no common judge to determine controversies, and no one armed with power and authority to suppress the insolences of troublesome and contentious men; all our valuable interests would be in-secure, and the stronger, like beasts of prey, would be apt to devour and destroy the weaker.
To prevent this, and to lay a firm foundation of security and happiness unto all, men entered into civil combinations and societies, and set up government in the world. Now the practice of religion and virtue, tends, above all other things, to promote those very ends, for which men entered into society. The gospel forbids all those vices that are contrary to, and tend to defeat the end of civil government; and it requires the observance of those virtues that are friendly to it. Uncleanness, intemperance, fraud, cruelty, malice, idleness and injustice, of every kind, are directly contrary to the ends of civil government, and tend to bring confusion and ruin on the state. But our holy religion, strictly forbids all these things, and, indeed, every other sort of immorality and vice, that civil government was designed to rectify, and reform. And, on the other hand, the gospel requires chastity, temperance, frugality, diligence, justice, benevolence, and all those virtues that are necessary, to the public welfare and happiness of a people. Barely considered as a set, a body of laws, and without any regard to its being a divine revelation; the bible is the best system of moral and political virtue, that ever was published in the world; and wherever the religion of it is duly implanted in the heart, it lays the greatest obligations to all civil offices, and moral duties; for it reaches to the heart and consciences of men, and obliges them, not barely for fear of punishment, but for conscience sake, to practice those very virtues that are absolutely necessary to the well-being and safety of the state. Christianity, if cordially embraced, and acted up to, would make all men really virtuous and good: It would have the best effects, both upon rulers, and upon subjects—it would teach magistrates to be just, and to rule in the fear of God, and so would strengthen their authority, and procure veneration and respect from all.
Whereas (as one expresses it) impiety and vice do strangely lessen the greatness of majesty, and secretly, yet unavoidably bring weakness upon authority itself.
Religion would also have a good influence upon subjects, it would make them obedient unto government, and conformable to the laws, and that not from wrath, and out of fear of the magistrates power (which, as one observes, is but a loose principle of obedience, and will cease, whenever a man can rebel with safety and impunity) but out of Conscience, which is a firm, constant and lasting principle, and will hold a man fast, when all other principles cease and lose their power.
He that really entertains the principles of Christianity in his heart, will not, on any trifling pretenses, be tempted from his allegiance to his lawful prince; knowing, that they who resist authority, resist the ordinances of God; and that they who resist, shall receive to themselves damnation.
Moreover, religion tends to make men quiet and peaceable, one towards another; it endeavors to implant in us all these qualities and dispositions of mind, which tend to peace and unity, and to fill men with a spirit of universal love and good-will. It likewise aims at securing men’s interest, by requiring justice and equity in all our dealings and intercourse, one with another; and the universal observance of that golden rule, whatever ye would that men should do unto you, de ye even so unto them. It also requires truth and fidelity, in all our words, promises and contracts. And if the laws of religion were duly observed, it would root out all those vices and passions, such as hatred, malice, envy, revenge, covetousness, &c. which render men unsociable one to another, and troublesome to the state; and it would diffuse a spirit of love, beneficence, kindness, and Christian charity everywhere. These are the proper, these are the genuine fruits and effects of religion, and what the gospel tends to bring us to.
Now, ’tis obvious, that if this be the design of religion, viz. to sweeten men’s tempers, to correct their passions, and to mortify all those lusts which are the causes of enmity, of division, and of contention, in the world; then it tends, in its own nature, to the peace and happiness of civil society; and if men would live as religion requires, the world would be in a quite different state from what it now is; everyone would sit quietly under his own vine, and eat of the fruit of his own fig tree.
And, indeed, the true reason why the societies of this world are so full of tumult and disorder, is because there is no more religion in them. And were the little remains of it once banished, human society would soon disband of itself, and run into confusion; the earth would grow wild as a forest, and men, as beasts of prey, would devour and destroy each other. Thus, is religion apparently for the good and welfare of the state: Civil government can’t subsist without it. Hence it will ever be the duty of rulers, to encourage and promote religion, so long as civil society and government subsists in the world.
I add once more,
3. That the great and unspeakable rewards which, in the life to come, will be bestowed upon such as promote and advance the Redeemer’s kingdom in the world, should animate and encourage civil rulers to attempt it.—The happiness of all good men will, I know, be great, unspeakably great in heaven; great, above what eye hath ever seen, ear heard of, or what hath ever entered into the heart of man to conceive. Yet there will be a difference among the saints, the glory of one shall be as the sun, another as the moon, and another as the stars.
St. Paul tells us, that As one star differeth from another in glory; so it shall be in the resurrection of the dead. Now these different degrees of glory will be proportioned out to good men according to their active diligence in the service of God, and according as they have been more or less instrumental, in promoting the cause of virtue and religion in the world. This may fairly be collected from the well-known parable of the talents, and also from that declaration of the prophet Daniel, that they who turn many to righteousness, shall shine, no barely as the brightness of the firmament, but with a distinguished luster, as the stars for ever and ever. Now, civil rulers are capacitated above most other men, to do much for God, and much to promote religion in the world; their high and elevated stations in life, give them many opportunities, and great advantages to do this. They are armed with power and authority to suppress vice, and to encourage virtue: They can support and maintain religion, and give it countenance in the world: Their examples have an extensive influence, and are commonly imitated by many.
In a word, if civil rulers are but properly disposed, there are no men that can do more than they, to promote the Redeemer’s kingdom upon earth. While, on the other hand, if rulers oppose religion, or are only cold and indifferent towards it, and careless of its interests; there are none that do so much hurt: And, surely, this is a mighty argument, to encourage rulers to be nursing fathers to the church, that all their endeavors shall turn to a good account, to their own souls, and one day procure for them a more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. Let me add further here, that the good effect of their pious labors may last a great many years after they are gone, and laid in the silent dust. Saint Paul’s excellent writings have been the means of converting many, in every age of the church, and will be, till time shall be no more: ‘Tis probable, at least, that every new conversion, occasioned by his writings, adds a new gem unto his crown, and increases his already unspeakable weight of glory.—In like manner, those civil rulers, who, by their wise and good regulations, have been the means of advancing the Redeemer’s kingdom in the world, will, I doubt not, find their own happiness hereafter greatly increased, by every new accession thereunto, which they have been the means of. And, surely, the great and unspeakable felicities of heaven, should animate and encourage all men, men of influence and authority especially, both in church and state, most vigorously to exert themselves in the cause of Christ, and to endeavor to promote it in the world; since they know that their labor, in the Lord, shall not be in vain: Far from this; and abundant, a glorious, an everlasting recompence awaits them, at the resurrection of the just.
Much might be said, by way of improvement, and many useful inferences be deduced from the subject, would the time allow: But I must omit everything, of this kind, least I be over tedious; and conclude, with an address,
1. To his honor the Governor, the Deputy-Governor, and the rest of the members of the general assembly.
May it please your Honors.
Since I stand in this place by his Honors’ special command, it won’t, I trust, be thought too assuming, on this occasion, for me to observe, that as rulers of this people, you are bound, by a law superior to any human constitutions, to be attentive, not only to their civil, but especially to their religious interests, and faithfully to endeavor to promote the same, according to the utmost of your power. Your honors’ known characters, I am sensible, renders it, in a great measure needless for me to enlarge upon this subject. However, as the interests of religion are the most important of all interests, not only our temporal, but eternal welfare depending upon them; you will indulge me a few words.
Much, under God, depends upon your conduct; and we may naturally expect, that religion, in the colony, will either revive or languish, as you bear a friendly or an unfriendly aspect towards it. The history of the church, in general, in all ages, justifies the truth of this observation. I well know, that God is able to defend his church, and cause the interest of it to flourish, in opposition to all the powers of earth and darkness, as he did in the first ages of Christianity; but this is not ordinarily to be expected.
God’s usual method is to work by means, and one of the most effectual means is to raise up good magistrates, to protect and take care of his church. I am far from desiring civil rulers to enforce religion, by acts of uniformity, by penal, and coercive laws; nor do I think the cause of truth was ever served by such methods. The rights of conscience are sacred, they are unalienable rights. Every man ought to be left at liberty, to think and act for himself; nor do I believe any man should be restrained on religious accounts, unless his principles or practices are such as give just disturbance to the state. As every man must answer for himself at the great and last day; so everyone ought to be left at liberty to judge for himself here.
Nor may the civil magistrate deny him this, and be blameless. However, there is a great deal rulers may do, to promote religion, without descending to the dirty work of persecution. They may protect it from the malice and insults of its enemies; they may suppress all immorality and vice, and encourage virtue and goodness: they may also, and they ought to establish religion, and provide suitable funds for the support and maintenance of it. This is a duty not only to God, but even to the state; it is the best, yea, it is the only security of civil government.
I readily own, that every establishment of a religious kind, should be upon the most generous, catholic [i.e., universal] principles, and that no man, no set of men should be excluded from the benefits of it, for mere speculative, and immaterial points, for different modes and ceremonies: it must be something very material and weighty that excludes any. And the great unhappiness in this case has been, not that religious establishments have been set up in the world, but that they have generally been founded upon too narrow, contracted and ungenerous principles.
And magistrates have too often gone into violent measures, in support of them. However, I take it to be plain, that the civil interests of mankind, the safety of the state requires, that there be some religious establishments, and that the public be obliged in some just proportion, to support them; nor have dissenters cause to complain of any little expenses on this account, any more than of any other civil expenses whatever: to be sure, there is nothing of persecution in it; nor can the conscience of any be in the least injured thereby, provided they are not compelled to be of the religion of the state, and are allowed to worship God, according to the dictates of their own minds.
This they have a right to expect; but they have no more right to ask [for an exemption] from contributing to the support of the of the state, than from any other measure the magistrate takes for the public good, which they happen to dislike. The support of religion and the ministers of it, in a political view, is as much a civil tax, as the support of any other necessary officers of the state.
Where no public provision is made for these purposes, but every man is left at liberty to do what is right in his own eyes; we can scarcely expect (such is the depraved condition of human nature) so much as the form of religion to continue long among such a people. And where religion is banished from a people, and the public exercises of it are not kept up, civil government stands on a very slippery foundation. Though ’tis too apparent that the principles of religion have not that general influence upon mankind that they ought to have, and which might naturally be expected, considering their infinite importance; yet disregarded as they be, I am persuaded that they have really a greater influence to deter men from vice, and to confine them within any bounds of order, than every other motive taken together; and that if this fence about the state, were once taken away, if this security of civil government were removed, all would immediately run into confusion, the reins could not be held, and no man could depend on the quiet enjoyment of life, liberty or property.
Suffer me here to query with your Honors, Whether our own laws in this colony, made for the support of religion, don’t need some very material amendments and alterations? And if they be already sufficient; whether the construction put upon them, in many of our executive courts hath not a direct and natural tendency to undermine and sap the foundations of our ecclesiastical constitution? To me, I confess; it appears, that as a tax laid on the polls and [ratable] estate of the inhabitants of the colony, is the only fund the law hath provided for the support of the ministry; the releasing such numbers, as have on one account, and on another, been excused from contributing to the support of the religion of the government is such a diminution of this fund, as hath a very threatening aspect on our ecclesiastical establishment, and naturally tends, not only to enervate and destroy the same, but even to root out the very being of a learned ministry from among us; and so is big with ruin, both to church and state.
And the danger, in my apprehension, is increased from hence, that most of these dissenters are not by law obliged to set up, and support any religion among themselves. And from principle they profess utterly to abandon and disclaim all covenants, all obligations of this kind. Considering human nature as it is, and the difficult situation of the country at this day, is there no reason to fear, that many will forsake our worship, and our churches, only from narrow and contracted principles of mind? And God alone knows where these things will end.
But I go on to add, that civil rulers may, and ought to profess religion themselves, and set good examples of obedience to it. They should also endeavor to promote the interests of religion, and to spread it far and wide in the world. These things the civil magistrate may do, without persecution, and we justly expect them from your honors.
Our eyes are unto you for all due protection and defense, for all due encouragement and support: you are to set yourselves against vice, and to encourage virtue: you are to be terrors to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well. And not only is it your duty to profess religion yourselves, and to set good examples of obedience to it; but to use your power and influence to promote the Redeemer’s kingdom in the world, and if possible to extend it, even to the ends of the earth. A wide door is now opened for this purpose among the heathen natives of the land, and we shall be inexcusable, altogether inexcusable in the eyes both of God and man, if we neglect it.
One great reason, I doubt not, why the heathen have been permitted to be such sore scourges to these Christian colonies, is, because they have done no more to send the gospel among them. Many difficulties, I well know, great and almost insurmountable difficulties have ever heretofore attended this work; but by the success of the British arms in America, and the late peace so happily established with the heathen natives, the greater part of them are removed out of the way. We have not those pleas to make, in excuse for our own neglect, that we once had, when the French were possessed of the greater part of the inland country, and were continually spiriting up the Indians against us. And I confess for my part, I have but little hopes or expectations of a settled peace with them, till we thoroughly attempt to send the gospel among them.
Nor do I expect ever to see a more favorable crisis for this purpose than the present; considering the disposition many of these nations have lately shewn; their earnest desire to be instructed in the principles of our holy religion, and to have their children educated after the English method; it appears to me that the most favorable opportunity now presents itself, to make some vigorous efforts of this kind, that we have ever had, or probably ever shall have, if we neglect the present. Separate from all considerations of duty to our Maker, and viewing the matter only in a political light, it appears to me, to be our real interest, to exert ourselves in this cause; because this, if we conducted as we ought, would convince the Indians, that we were their real friends, and sought their best good, and so would naturally attach them to us, in the strongest manner; and this would be a cheaper method of defense against their ravages and insults, than maintaining numerous armies and garrisons. The French, who are allowed to be very able politicians, most certainly acquired their influence over the Indians by this very means: Why may’nt we learn wisdom, from their experience? It is but little, I know, that this colony in its present impoverished state, can do to this purpose; however, if we were well disposed, we might do something—we could at least cast in our mite into the treasury. This perhaps might be imitated by more opulent and wealthy provinces, and even by the nation; to the great advancement of the Redeemer’s kingdom, of the British interest, and even of ours in this land.
And next to the immediate care of religion, and as a means to promote it, the interests of learning ought to be precious in your eyes. However, enthusiasm may, ’tis not to be expected, that genuine religion will flourish, where learning is in a low and declining state. The Ottoman Porte hath been for many ages, so sensible of this, that the principal means made use of by them to discourage and root out Christianity from their dominions, hath been to discountenance learning. The church of Rome also accounts ignorance the mother of devotion; and the main support of her monstrous superstition and tyranny. But we have not thus learned Christ: Truth seeks not darkness, but loves the light. We trust, honored fathers, that you are friendly to learning, and will give it all due encouragement and support. Our College, which hath been, and now is so much our glory, as an elder child, claims your first and your principal attention and care.
You are the Fathers, you are the Founders of that society; and you have nourished and maintained it at a great expense. We doubt not your smiles, and the continuance of former favors to that useful seminary. And though it is a time of great public distress, yet you will allow us to trust, that if any thing further be necessary, to the well-being of that school, you will cheerfully advance it, to the utmost of your power, and account it money well expended, and even let out on the highest interest.—And, next to the college, our inferior schools of learning, ought to be the objects of your care. That these be suitably maintained, and our youth early instructed in useful learning, is a matter of very great importance, both to church and state; and yet many, if not most of them, throughout the colony, are so managed, as but illy to answer the good ends of their original institution.
Regard to the rising generation, yea, to children yet unborn, demands your attention to this, and some effectual remedy. But I may’nt go on multiplying particulars; your honors’ better acquaintance with public affairs, and closer attention to them, will naturally point out what is amiss, and needs a remedy; and we doubt not your readiness to promote the best good of this people, temporal and eternal. Your duty to God, your duty to the state, yea, your duty to your own souls, require this. I am sensible, ’tis an arduous work you are called to; and that many trials and difficulties attend your high station, especially at this day. But for your encouragement, remember a great and glorious reward is set before you. Distinguished honor, if you are faithful, will be your portion in this life, and everlasting happiness in the next. And you shall not only, like other men, shine as the brightness of the firmament, but with a surpassing luster as the stars forever and ever. Suffer me,
2. To address myself to my fathers and brethren in the ministry, here present,
Rev’d Sirs,
History informs us, that there hath often been times, since Christ hath had a church in the world, when his faithful ministers have been obliged to struggle not only against all the prejudices of mankind, and all the opposition of the powers of darkness, but against the power of civil rulers too. They have set themselves against the church, persecuted it with unrelenting rage; and said of Jerusalem, Let us rase it, let us rase it, even to the foundations thereof. Many were the difficulties, and severe the trials the faithful ministers of Christ underwent, at these times. Through the goodness of God, our happy lot and portion is to be born under different circumstances, and we live in a land of gospel liberty and light: Our rulers, instead of persecuting, are forward to exert themselves, in the cause of Christ, and to afford us all due encouragement and assistance. Let us, who wait at the altar, heartily join with them, in promoting the same good work.
Our special business is to be ministers of religion; and our great concern should be to advance the Redeemer’s kingdom in the world: We can take no method, more effectual or likely to do this, than by encouraging the hearts, and strengthening the hands of our rulers. If we who look for protection and support from them, are mutinous and contentious ourselves, and stir up sedition, both in church and state; we cannot expect favor, either from God, or from the king. ‘Tis our duty not only to pray for our rulers, but to do what we can, to make the reins of government lie easy on the people’s necks. Our blessed Lord and Master was not only quiet and inoffensive towards all, but friendly to civil government, and he taught his disciples to be so too. Let us take his word for our rule, and him for our pattern and example, in this regard.
The history of the church, in all ages shews, that when Moses and Aaron walk hand in hand, things go well: But when the ministers of the state, and of the church, differ and disagree, all things run into confusion. Let us see to it, that we, on our part, give none occasion of division. If our rulers see us diligent and laborious in our work, quiet and peaceable towards government, and inoffensive towards all men, minding our own business, and faithfully laboring to win souls to Christ; then may we expect their friendly smiles, their protection, and cheerful support: While a contrary conduct and demeanor will naturally draw down a contrary treatment. In all things let us shew ourselves examples, in faith, in purity, in holiness, in love and in charity: Then may we hope for the smiles of heaven, the favor of the prince, and that great, very great will be our success in our Master’s work, that religion will revive and flourish, and the church become fair as the moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners. And that all nations will fly to it and be saved. But, if after all, our labors should not be attended with the desired success, yet we ourselves, shall be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and with God shall be our reward.
I close all, with a few words,
3. To this numerous assembly here present.
It is undoubtedly, my brethren, the last time we shall all meet again, ’til we meet together at the grand, decisive day of reckoning, before the tribunal of the Lord Jesus, the judge of all flesh. Suffer then, a word of exhortation: And let me earnestly intreat you to join with your rulers and with your ministers, in the great work of promoting religion in the world and enlarging the Redeemer’s church and kingdom. Tho’ men in public place and character, are under peculiar obligations unto this, yet ’tis a duty, in some measure in common, incumbent on all. Everyone, in his proper place and station, should endeavor to be aiding therein. There is something that all may do. Let me urge it upon you, that you be not wanting, on your parts. To that end, let every man be persuaded to break off his own sins by repentance, and his iniquities by turning unto the Lord. Heartily profess the religion of Christ; give up yourselves to him by faith, and live lives of obedience to his holy laws. Your present peace here, and your everlasting welfare hereafter, depend upon this.
And having made your peace with God, and so secured the eternal safety of your own souls; let it be your next endeavor, to promote a general reformation among your neighbors. Every man, in his own sphere, should exert himself: None are so low as to stand excused. The meanest may do something to promote this work.
The widow’s mite should be cast in. And God may bless the weakest means and cause them to produce great effects. Great matters sometimes spring from small beginnings. A little spark kindleth a great fire. Religion may spread from one man, from one family and neighbor to another, till at length it run through the town, through the colony, through the land and nation; and may at last, cover the earth, as the waters do the seas. And oh! how happy will it be for us in the day of reckoning, if we are found faithful, and appear to be the instruments God hath chosen, to set up and enlarge the Redeemer’s kingdom in the world, more generally than ever yet it hath been! Very glorious, in that case, will be our recompence of reward.
Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly. Take to thyself thy great power, and rule and reign, from the rising to the setting sun. Let every knee bow to thee, and every tongue confess thy praises.
Amen.
Image: The Triumphant March of Royal Troops in New York, François Xavier Haberman, engraving, 1776.
