
Our Christian Nationalist History?
The history Wolfe believes supports his summons for Christian nationalism actually tells a different story—one that dissenters heralded for centuries.
The history Wolfe believes supports his summons for Christian nationalism actually tells a different story—one that dissenters heralded for centuries.
The Christian prince, the living law, was tasked with guaranteeing the doctrinal and moral integrity of the national church.
If the critics of Christian nationalism are honest, they must admit that Wolfe is not actually an advocate of nationalism.
Wolfe’s book will prove to be a Rorschach test of sorts.
Stephen Wolfe’s new book The Case for Christian Nationalism is causing quite a stir in the world of conservative evangelicals.
Protestants must rekindle intellectual fires and set terms for the emerging era. Serious thinkers, many of whom grace The American Reformer, are well underway with that project.
The foundations of our republic now face the universal solvent of gender ideology as identity politics mutates into medicalized violence and self-harm.
Cultural Christianity never saved anyone, and to the degree that it covered over sin and wickedness, God hated it, and we ought to condemn it. But cultural Christianity, however imperfect, was and is a manifestation of the Tao. In that sense, it tills the soil to prepare it for the seed. As Lewis said, it gives us something to work on and to work with. It teaches us through laws and customs and cultural practices the reality of the Tao, of God’s moral order. So, cultural Christianity never saved anyone, but it did give many a sense of sin and guilt, which prepared them for the good news of Jesus.
Drawing on nature, history, literature, science, common experience, and Scripture, Anthony Esolen defends a traditionalist understanding of manhood, an understanding that recognizes the good and unique differences between men and women and the consequently different roles for men and women in the family, society, politics, and the church.
Liberalism, democracy, individual Lockean property rights, and freedom of thought—these Joel Kotkin offers up as the elements of the lost golden age to which he hopes we may return. Indeed, he actively pours scorn on the more interdependent, organic model of society that characterized our pre-liberal past, deeming it one of the elements of “feudalism” to be shunned. Any thoughtful reading of our current cultural predicament will show that we will need something stronger than warmed-over post-war liberalism to escape the dystopian future that Kotkin so vividly portrays.